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Professor Dr. Caroline Robertson von Trotha, Professor Baumann, fellow

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speakers, ladies and gentlemen.

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I'm very happy to be here, even though it's cold in Karlsruhe.

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But I'm very happy to be here in this 16th Karlsruher Gespräche about

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the topic, Alles in Ordnung, Ordnung, Neue Übersichtlichkeiten in

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einer globalisierten Welt.

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I think when I received the invitation, the very formulation of the

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theme was so attractive that I told myself, I really must come here.

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My theme is Democracy Challenged and the Challenge of Democracy.

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And before I go to my theme, I wish to tell you that I do think that a

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short nap after lunch for about 20 minutes is good for one's health.

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Though I can't have it, I'll try my best to offer one to you with my

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lecture.

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I hope it works.

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More seriously, I wish to argue under the title Democracy Challenged

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and the Challenge of Democracy that both challenges to democracy

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within democratic societies that we see in different parts of the

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world, challenges to democracy within democratic societies and the

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challenges that democracy provides to non-democratic societies that

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also we see in different parts of the world, we need to pay attention

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to both.

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We need to pay attention to both for analysis and for corrective

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action.

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Because in this age of openness with all uncertainty, if we want to

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find out how we are going to live in this world where the context is

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provided by globalization which offers challenges, risks, as well as

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opportunities.

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Ladies and gentlemen, this is very broadly my theme and I shall like

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to develop it in the course of the 22 minutes that I have been given.

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I have been told that I'll be shown some colors and I've already

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shared with her that I'm color blind so please don't mind if I carry

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on after 20 minutes.

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I hope I will have your understanding.

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Let me start with this.

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I live in Calcutta where the weather at the moment is rather nice.

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A young man from Berlin, a German fellow, came to Calcutta early 2011

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and I'm not making up this story, this indeed happened.

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And I felt for many reasons to take him around, to show him around and

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I showed him several places in Calcutta.

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I showed him, for instance, Fort William.

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I showed him a writer's building.

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Now for those who may not know, Fort William is the place from where,

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so to speak, British colonial empire in Asia or in larger context, was

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created.

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I showed him writer's building from where the British controlled the

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empire and it was the administrative office of the empire and which

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now serves, the writer's building, which now serves as the Regierung's

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building for the state government of West Bengal.

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Neither the gravity of history nor the impressive facade of writer's

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building impressed this young German.

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And what impressed him indeed were the slogans which were written all

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over city on the walls of houses and these were political slogans.

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He looked at me and said, Surendra, how very nice to see such great

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political engagement in this city.

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He was excited about that.

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Now, I must tell you, why were there so many slogans on the houses,

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political slogans on the houses of Calcutta?

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Because West Bengal, Calcutta is the capital of the state called West

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Bengal, was getting ready for state assembly elections.

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And this election was a very historical event.

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I had to explain this to him.

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It was a historical event because a government under the name Left

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Front Government had ruled Calcutta, West Bengal, for more than 33

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years.

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I have really no way of knowing why Ripley has not put it on world

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record.

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And through elections, this Left Front Government dominated by

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Communist Party of India, Marxist, had won election after election

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after election and stayed in power for more than 33 years.

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And now this time it was being challenged by a determined woman, women

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can be fairly determined as we see from the person who is running this

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conference, by a very determined person who was out to throw them out

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of the office.

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She finally did.

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She finally did.

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And therefore, you can imagine intensity of political mobilization,

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which one saw on the streets of Calcutta, which impressed my German

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friend.

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Now, what I want to say is that this situation of Left Front ruling

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West Bengal for so long, has to be understood not in the context of

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economic development that took place in West Bengal, but on the

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contrary, the state of West Bengal underwent massive decline during

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the rule of 33 years.

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Then why did they hold on to power for so long, which was a question

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for political analysis, in which several political scientists,

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including myself, took part to understand.

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And the conclusion to which we came was they could rule so long,

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because politics in the factional sense had infuted through the party

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into all spheres of life, leaving no sphere untouched, including

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economic and social.

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And because there was a party machinery at work, the encroachment

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meant the party could control the behavior of the people, including

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the political behavior, which meant they could go and vote for it.

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Now, why did they lose power?

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Because the determined woman that I talked about, she exposed this and

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also exposed some of the mistakes this government made during the last

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months, in which I don't need to go.

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Now, the point I'm making is the intrusion of politics through a

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situation where democracy prevails through electoral politics had

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perversive effects.

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And those of you who are in Germany are well aware of the apparatus of

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a party that worked in DDR and Eastern Europe.

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You are familiar with this, though of course the former chief minister

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left front had said once when there were problems in Eastern Europe,

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why are these people worried about elections?

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One can stay in power even with elections.

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Now, I would leave the subject there and try to argue that kindly

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shift your focus from West Bengal and my German friend and think of

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the situation in this part of the world or in more affluent societies

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like North America and so on.

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The withdrawal from politics is another factor that has to be taken

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into account.

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Namely, on the one hand, intrusion of politics, on the other,

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withdrawal.

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Charles Meyer has written an article recently under the title,

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Democracy and its Discontents, using data from multiple sources in

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which he has highlighted that the manner in which disgust with

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politics and political leadership has meant withdrawal on the part of

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citizens in different parts of the world.

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And the data may differ, but withdrawal from politics in democratic

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societies, he calls it civil or even moral crisis.

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Now, if that is the case, I ask myself whether in West Bengal or in

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other parts of the world, whether intrusion or withdrawal, where is

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the sense of politics in the Western thought?

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Let us say in the writing of the Greek minds.

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Originally, polis or civitas related to citizens.

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Governance of the community was important for Plato as well as

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Aristotle.

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In politics, Aristotle sees politics in the concern for perfecting man

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through law and justice.

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Man cannot live in isolation, argues Aristotle, but man separated from

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law and justice is the worst of animals.

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And you can't fault Aristotle on at least deductive logic, and

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therefore the argument that you cannot live in isolation, you must

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live together, and in order to live together, you must have justice

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and you must have law was important for him, and the administration of

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city -state was important for him.

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Devaluation of politics, when it has lost its original meaning of

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perfecting man by virtue of social living, thinking in terms of

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perfecting state, devaluation is a challenge to democratic societies

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all over the world.

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The democratic promise, after all, is not good life just for some, but

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for all.

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And I would argue not only this devaluation of the original sense of

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politics, but what has happened is principle of equality stands

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compromised.

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Income inequalities are rising across and within nations, and there is

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no clear indication, I can go into data, that democratic societies are

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doing better in this respect than non-democratic society.

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Paul Krugman has written a certain article that we are 99% is fine,

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but indeed we are 99.9% because much of the benefit has gone not to

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1%, but 0.1%, and these are the people who are not like Steve Jobs,

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who are innovators, but these are the people who are corporate bigwigs

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and financial wheeler-dealers.

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Principle of liberty, ladies and gentlemen, also stands compromised.

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Unrestrained concentration of wealth among nations compromises the

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liberty of those who are on the receiving end, whether as nations or

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individuals.

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Marcuse had said in One Dimensional Man, people recognize themselves

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in commodities, and when the commodities are denied, one feels denied

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of even a human recognition.

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Another token of progress is the manner in which privacy of

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individuals has been compromised.

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Think in terms of what happened in England.

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Rupert Murdoch's empire, representing the free press, which is

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supposed to promote liberty in democratic society, showed intrusion,

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and not just intrusion, intimidation by press in the most horrible

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possible manner.

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So, devaluation of politics, compromised principles of equality and

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liberty have no wonder created disillusionment and solace in private

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world, which gets reflected in a country which is poor, in struggle

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for survival, in a country which is affluent, in craving for more and

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more and more.

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Now, not backing away, while Charles Meyer had said, is taking place

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every time.

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Think in terms of protests that are taking place.

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Think in terms of Berlusconi, who was forced to leave with cheers,

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jeers, and the joyous chorus of Hallelujah from Handel's Messiah.

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And, indeed, what the people on Wall Street, or what people in Rome

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are asking is not a revolutionary change.

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What they are asking is a dignified life where employment is assured,

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or at least available, and a life where one can live with some kind of

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dignity.

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Now, protesters are protesting in U.S.

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and Wall Street.

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Protesters are protesting in New Delhi, where, in order to highlight

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India may be making progress, as you read in newspapers, but India

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happens to be also one of the most corrupt societies which prompted a

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Gandhian like Hazare to go on fast in New Delhi against the kind of

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regime that we have.

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Now, I think I've given you some idea about the compromised status of

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democracy in democratic societies.

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Now, I think somewhere the problem lies in the manner in which we have

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conceptualized politics.

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Now, think of Max Weber.

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He was mentioned earlier.

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Politics als Beruf, in which he talks of politics in the context of

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the state, and the state is defined in the context of exclusive use of

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force.

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Think in terms of Carl Schmitt, their brief, their politician, 1932,

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in which he says, defines again, politics in the context of states,

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and says the state can define, they can demand the readiness to die

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and unhesitant will to kill enemies on the part of citizens.

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Now, if this is how you define state, and if this is how you define

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politics, no wonder the ancient Greek ideal of finding a way of living

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in a community for the common good is completely lost.

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No wonder that the normative element from politics has been taken out,

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and we talk in terms of only the means, and in the process, we come

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back to Aristotle.

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Remember what he had said, man can be the worst of animals as he can

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use arms for the worst possible ends.

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I think our history, our contemporary history, has proved him

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absolutely right as far as using arms for the worst possible ends is

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concerned.

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The other issue of democracy, of course, is widely known, the issue of

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representation, what happens if Berlusconi makes an empire for himself

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at the cost of the country?

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What happens if representatives make use of their position not for the

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community or for the citizens, for themselves?

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I would argue that yet another problem with democracy today is absence

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of ideology.

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The neoliberalism of both sides have exhausted themselves.

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The neoliberalism has exhausted itself, and we need to really ask

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ourselves how exactly are we going to think of democracy as a

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situation which is closer to the ideal of finding a society where

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individuals can perfect or move towards perfection.

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Now, but democracy is posing challenge to, I'm colorblind, democracy

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is posing challenge in countries where democracy doesn't exist.

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Think in terms of the brave struggle of Souky and Myanmar, think in

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terms of Arab uprisings which began in Tunisia with a street vendor

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setting himself to fire and who has now become a symbol of dignity.

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Think in terms of Tahrir Square where people have come out and Tahrir

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Square has given rise to a moment where you ask, are you ready for a

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Tahrir Square?

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I think these challenges need not also be underestimated, and if that

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is the case, and indeed, hardly ever has a group of people gone out on

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street and raised slogans for, not for, but against democracy.

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So if we want democracy, we at the same time need to recognize there

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are flaws in democracy.

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And I would like to say this is the moment of reflection.

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We need to go back to Tolstoy, if you like.

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Tolstoy, whom Max Weber quoted in his famous lecture on politics, had

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asked, what shall we do and how shall we live?

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I think we need to go back to this question.

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With due apologies to Herr Baumann, I personally think when he says

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that this question is not so important, who will do it, I would argue

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this question is as important as when Tolstoy raised it.

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Tolstoy's question is a political question.

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It's a political question because it cannot be answered unless we make

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right political choices.

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It is at the same time a moral question.

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It's a moral question because you cannot talk in terms of how shall we

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live and what shall we do unless you make moral choices.

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And these moral choices are important because not only a country, not

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only a group of people, but the entire humanity faces extinction by

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the very acts that we have committed on each other and on our planet.

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I think this is an area for learning.

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I have no time.

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Otherwise, I would say that to leave everything to civil society will

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also not be right.

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Though, of course, I think civil society has a very important role to

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play because just as politics encroaching upon the domain of civil as

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well as economic is wrong, similarly civil encroaching upon other

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domains will also not work.

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And in discussion perhaps I can go to the experience of Poland and

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solidarity and try to argue with you how putting everything on the

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shoulders of civil society is not a good choice.

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Now, in making this moral choice, ladies and gentlemen, we need to be

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honest to ourselves.

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We need to ask ourselves what exactly is it that we want and leave

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behind for our children if we are going to leave anything behind for

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them.

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We need to act with responsibility and this is a moral choice where

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both means as well as ends are important.

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And if you say in politics means don't work, I would say there was at

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least one man who proved it does, Gandhi, who was not being an idle

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theoretician but who moved an entire nation and fought against one of

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the mightiest empire in the world to prove that means do matter and

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means do become effective.

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I wish to conclude by observing that democracy is not a finished

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product to be exported as sometimes aggressive American foreign policy

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seems to believe.

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Democracy is to be nurtured like a plant is nurtured by a gardener.

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Please allow me to quote from Rumi, the Persian Sufi poet.

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How should spring bring forth a garden on hard stone, he asked,

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because how should spring bring forth a garden on hard stone become

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earth?

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You may grow flowers of many colors, for you have been a heart

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-breaking rock.

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Once, for the sake of experiment, be earth.

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Thank you.

