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Thank you very much, Ms. Post, and thank you very much, Mrs. Motis and

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Mr. Bojanowski, for the teasers.

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I hope that at the end I'll be the good guy here.

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And not last, because I think that's the one who survives in the

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movie.

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Many of you are familiar with the famous sentence of the late 1995

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topic moderator Hans-Joachim Friedrichs, who remarkably managed to go

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through as a moral maxim for journalistic practice, as a kind of

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categorical imperative that can be used in all forms of reporting,

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even beyond the limited and comparatively bureaucratic tasks of a

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newscaster.

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He says, a good journalist can be recognized by the fact that he

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doesn't get along with a thing, not even with a good one.

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In times when populist parties thus win votes against an allegedly

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left or green, or at least a kind of vocal preference of an allegedly

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publicist mainstream, that sounds pretty good at first.

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After super-partisanship, after the absence of an agenda, after a

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strict orientation to the pure facts.

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But apart from the fact that Friedrichs never meant this sentence so

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broadly, it is based on a very problematic premise.

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What we heard several times this morning in relation to science is of

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course also true for journalism.

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Journalists are constantly faced with a mountain of subjective

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decisions.

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What topics do I report?

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How detailed?

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Who do I talk to?

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Which studies or reports do I read?

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Which details do I omit?

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Which do I emphasize?

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With newscasters, you could still consider it a virtue not to

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contextualize or even comment on the information you read.

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But if journalists act as if they do not select and classify, but

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only, you know the famous slogan of the mirror, say what is, if the

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people who act according to such maxims have no awareness of what they

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are omitting, then objectivity is best an illusion.

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And in the worst case, I think, ideology.

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We humans are not objective.

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We have been socialized in certain cultures and environments.

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But above all, it is not the world.

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The world is not balanced.

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So whoever tries to depict it as it is, always reinforces the existing

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flaws and flaws and injustices.

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In the context of reporting on climate change, or if that sounds too

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comfortable to you, in the context of the climate crisis or the

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climate catastrophe, this somewhat fossil principle of staying neutral

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at all costs is a measure that, by the way, historically did not arise

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as a moral obligation of special journalists, but rather as a new

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business model with which the newspapers wanted to reach a larger

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audience around the turn of the century.

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So beyond, so to speak, loyal but particular, loyal but particular

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clientele that you mentioned before.

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So this idea is increasingly being questioned in the face of the

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climate crisis.

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Because achieving the climate goals that the federal government or the

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EU have set also requires a social transformation, consequently one

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also discusses whether there should or should be a transformation of

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journalistic standards.

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So not just a transformation journalism, as Ms. Lesmuller suggested,

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but also a transformation of journalism, so to speak.

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And more and more journalists are explicitly rejecting the offer of

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neutrality, as they did somewhat publicly, already three years ago,

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Mr. Bojanowski had shown the title, in October 2020, as the magazine

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Stern did, in the editorial for a controversial issue, which he

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designed together with Fridays for Future.

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The new motto was, as far as the climate crisis is concerned, the star

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is no longer neutral.

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For many stubborn readers, this was a kind of fall of sin.

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The limit to activism was exceeded, which above all shows how deeply

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the narrative of journalistic objectivity also shapes the expectations

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of the audience.

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That it is so stubbornly held is already a bit disappointing, because

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it has been problematized in other cases in recent years.

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For example, as Ms. Mothes mentioned, in connection with the report on

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Donald Trump.

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This example can explain the problem quite well.

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A classical understanding of balance, as it has been cultivated in the

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USA for a long time, or prevailed, would require each political

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statement of opinion to oppose one of the other.

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Which was already a pretty simple ritual before Trump and his hyper

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-fictionalization of politics.

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There are always more than two sides.

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It is then also a decision that is connected, which in turn is

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subjective.

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But now such a both-sidism, such a false balance, means laying the red

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carpet for lies and misinformation.

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In the context of the climate report, some talk shows still considered

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it a good idea to invite climate change deniers to present them to a

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guest from science.

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Which is 97% in agreement, but someone has to disagree, because

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otherwise you are being mean with one position.

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Which then results in the impression that maybe this is not so certain

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about climate change.

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Only one in two people believes it.

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Today, except for Markus Lanz, who actually managed to invite an AfD

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politician this year, hardly any serious editorial staff on the

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subject.

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But that does not mean that there is no more contradiction.

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Climate researchers at the University of Cambridge have, this is now

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also three years ago, developed a diagram on which it is very well

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summarized.

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Let's see if I can get any further here.

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Yes, on which it is very well summarized,

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how the discourse of the skeptics has shifted from the doubts about

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climate research itself to a justification of inactivity from climate

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change deniers to climate protection skeptics, so to speak.

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This is the illustrated version.

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I'll do the next one, so you can read along a little what positions

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there are.

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From the popular word about autism, that our CO2 footprint is

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comparatively low compared to other countries and other countries do

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much less anyway, to magical thinking, there is everything possible.

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I would not use all the examples presented here as arguments or as

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excuses, as it is called in the German translation.

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I think social justice, for example, is not just a pretext and it is

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certainly also legitimate to talk about adaptation strategies, just as

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factual criticism of climate policy is not necessarily an excuse, but

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would be very welcome.

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On the other hand, I am missing some argumentation figures in the

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overview, for example the popular phrase about technology openness,

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which is strangely only brought into play when conventional solutions

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against climate neutrality should be brought into play.

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Or, of course, the wrong contrast between economy and ecology, between

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which one would have to decide.

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But above all, of course, the meta-story of the renunciation, which

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does not have a spark of visionary energy to present progress

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differently than a calculation of the present.

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As a countermeasure against this embedded thinking, I can recommend

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googling the term solarpunk to come across pictures of a movement that

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is painting a climate-neutral future as you can not imagine it in a

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more modern way.

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And more urban and science fiction-like, with wildly green skyscrapers

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and solar-powered flight taxis and many inviting spin-offs.

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In any case, this scheme shows quite nicely that a certain refusal to

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transform is by no means yesterday.

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After all, the topic of climate is now a bit more present than in the

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past decade, in which, as calculated by a study by the University of

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Hamburg, at most 4% of the broadcast time was broadcast on public

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television.

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In good years, in some years 1%.

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Only in 2019 did the value come down to 8.4%.

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But that is still a record value, especially in recent years due to

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the Corona pandemic and the Ukrainian war.

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If, nevertheless, some people feel that they can hardly save

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themselves from climate reporting, then this may actually be due to a

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measurable increase in the presence of the topic.

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At Anne Will, if you use this program as an indicator for the

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relevance of social debate topics, this year at least 8 out of 24

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programs were about the energy transition.

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The only question is, what is the topic?

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In just 5 of these 8 programs, it was about the heating law.

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And not because it is so technically complex that you would have to

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explain it again and again, but because you could negotiate it so

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wonderfully in the midst of the usual political talk, because it was

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so hot in the coalition.

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This has relatively little to do with climate journalism or science

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journalism.

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The price for this media presence of climate protection topics is

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obviously that every constructive report is piled up in the routines

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of news journalism, which lives on the news and on the noise, on the

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daily rumble of party politics, where perspective and context are

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actually much more important.

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And perhaps that is exactly the reason for some people's warnings of

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the climate disaster like a mantra, because the depth and diversity of

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the report is missing.

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Because not only can you no longer hear the alarmist slogans, but also

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the activism for the status quo, so to speak.

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Although it is really difficult for me to recognize the poor work of a

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climate lobby in the report.

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The mirror that is still so often held to the left, for example, has

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this year made two and a half titles on environmental issues.

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About the cultural struggle for the car, that's half of it, I would

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say.

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About the water scarcity and the one with my favorite cover.

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With the headline Operation heat pump, expensive and controversial,

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with green over-jealousy into chaos.

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If that's lobbyism, then as a lobbyist I would like to have my money

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back.

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I already understand that the claim of the end of the world can seem

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exaggerated to you and that serious media demands that the disaster

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scenarios are somehow free of value.

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As if you were looking at the world like a non-involved

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extraterrestrial and could watch mankind eat a bag of popcorn as they

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try to cope with the crisis.

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I am also far from following the slogan Follow the Science, of which

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we have heard a lot this morning.

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That would also be a paradoxical position in the context of an

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argument that pleads for mistrust against an idea such as objectivity.

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Science does not tell us whether we should try to reach the 1.5 degree

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goal with all means, or rather whether we should think about the

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possibilities of adaptation, whether we should focus on degrowth or

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green new deals, on prohibitions or on voluntariness, on behavioral,

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economic or psychological approaches, on individual or algorithmic

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reason.

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Similar to politics, scientific expertise should not be an act of

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action for journalism .

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But please make sure to have a license to agree with certain views if

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you think they are reasonable, whether there is a social consensus for

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it or not.

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Who else should make this knowledge accessible, translate it, join

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social discourse, convey the relevance of certain findings?

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To remain neutral in this was to say everyone is right.

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If you ask Mr. Bujanowski how you can decide, how should we position

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ourselves, I would like to know how we can not position ourselves, not

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in a moral sense, but how do you manage to write a text that does not

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decide for a position?

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I think you only act as if you do not decide.

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Negotiating scientific expertise is a social task.

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And I think it's absurd if journalists in the debate only have the

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task of carrying on the propaganda.

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Perhaps I am socialized very strangely as a culture and media critic,

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but when I think about what kind of texts I find interesting or

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exemplary, then there are always those who open up greater

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connections, who design new perspectives, who say what could be or

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also well reason why something should not be.

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Not in the sense of mathematical prognoses, but in the sense of a

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narrative process, in the sense of a truth that does not only owe

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itself to the verificability of facts.

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There is a second beautiful sentence by Hans-Joachim Friedrich, one

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that hardly anyone in our industry knows.

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The former ZDF editor-in-chief, Reinhard Abel, before his questions,

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for example in the famous elephant round, which he moderated for a

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long time, no politician had to fear, called him a prophet of balance,

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of the unbridled art of doing everyone justice.

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I think the quality of the debate would benefit if we tried to orient

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ourselves more on that.

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Thank you very much.

